Frederica Freyberg:

I’m Frederica Freyberg. Tonight on “Here & Now,” the latest results from the Marquette Law School poll. The new CEO of the Wisconsin Economic Development Corporation, Missy Hughes, is here. And a state ginseng producer gives an inside look at the impact of China trade tariffs. It’s “Here & Now” for October 25.

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Funding for “Here & Now” is provided, in part, by Friends of Wisconsin Public Television.

Frederica Freyberg:

Impeachment hearings, U.S. foreign policy, horserace numbers and the governor’s approval. A first look tonight at new poll results from the Marquette Law School poll. Poll Director Charles Franklin joins us now for results and analysis. Charles, thanks for being here.

Charles Franklin:

Thank you.

Frederica Freyberg:

So news out of the impeachment hearings in Washington is dizzying on a daily basis, but you asked about this. Let’s take a look at how Wisconsin is responding according to your polling. 46% of those you surveyed said there is enough cause to hold the hearings. 49% said there is not enough cause. 5% saying they don’t know. But there has been a definite uptick since you polled on this in April.

Charles Franklin:

That’s right. In April, we were in the context of the end of the Mueller Report and support was 17 points lower for holding hearings then than it is now. So that’s been a big change. And the context of what the subject matter is has shifted from the Mueller Investigation to the Ukraine situation, the phone call and so on. And the kind of evidence that’s already public on Ukraine includes the White House transcript of the phone call between President Trump and the president of Ukraine.

Frederica Freyberg:

Still only 46% of those you surveyed said there is enough cause notwithstanding this wall-to-wall coverage.

Charles Franklin:

Yeah, I think that’s partly a matter of partisan splits. Unsurprisingly Democrats are pretty positive about hearings, Republicans not so much. So I think it’s early in the process. I think one point about the hearings being behind closed doors is that while we have heard bits and pieces from opening statements and things like that, the public really has not seen the sort of package of those things. Republicans say they are unconvincing. Democrats say they’re utterly convincing. I think we need to see that laid out for the public to see the evidence and presumably that’s coming fairly soon.

Frederica Freyberg:

On international affairs, it does seem the president is upside down on this matter. According to your poll, 59% disapprove of President Trump’s handling of foreign policy, while 37% approve. In your mind, did the administration’s pull-out of troops from northeastern Syria tip the scales on this?

Charles Franklin:

I think that’s part of this. This is also where the Ukraine matter includes some foreign policy of how are we dealing with an ally, as well as the Syrian situation of how do we deal with the Kurds, who have been such a strong ally in the fight against ISIS. And you’ve seen Republican members of Congress push back especially in the Syrian situation with the Kurds. It means there’s a set of issues now which the president is uniquely responsible for and active in each of these decisions. And that’s quite different from things like building the border wall to the extent that that’s a big policy difference, but it’s been there from the beginning of his administration. This is new material.

Frederica Freyberg:

On the honesty of the president, your polling says that 65% of the respondents say Trump is someone that is not honest or honesty does not describe him, while 30% say it does describe him. In June, those numbers were better. What’s happened?

Charles Franklin:

They’re a little bit better. If you look over the course of the time since he’s been in the White House, he’s maybe come down five points or four points on the honesty, so it’s not a big change. But maybe a little bit lower. But that’s an example of I think — President Trump’s honesty ratings were pretty low, very low, in 2016 before the election as well. But that was a case where Hillary Clinton actually got lower ratings on honesty than he did. This something — a perception of the president that’s been baked in since the beginning and you either like him regardless of that or you dislike him because of it. But it hasn’t changed. Again, that’s what’s so different with Ukraine and Syria. These are new developments that he’s responsible for as opposed to the kind of person he is and people haven’t changed their perception very much of him on those grounds.

Frederica Freyberg:

Let’s talk about the Democratic candidates running for president. Wisconsin voters in your poll like Biden slightly more than the other Democratic frontrunners. Those three are ahead of Trump but not by much, in the case of Sanders and Warren. Where does Trump stand compared to these people?

Charles Franklin:

Where we are is that Joe Biden has a six-point lead over Trump. Sanders a two point. Warren a one point and Buttigieg trails Trump by two. All of those last three are inside the margin of error. For Warren and Sanders, their numbers move just a little bit between the August poll and now. Biden is down three points from a nine-point lead in August to six now. But I would stress that these are small moves and the margins are quite small, looking like competitive race.

Frederica Freyberg:

Super quickly, you added Buttigieg this time against Trump. Why?

Charles Franklin:

Because he’s been polling in fourth place in our two Wisconsin Democratic primary polls. He’s also been consistently polling around fourth place in national polls. We had asked about Kamala Harris earlier in August, but she has slipped down into fifth place in most of the national as well as our data. So we tried Buttigieg this time.

Frederica Freyberg:

Let’s take a look at Governor Evers’s polling. His job approval numbers, 52% approve, 34% disapprove, 13% no opinion. He cites your polling on his special session. Do you think that’s going to help or hurt him here?

Charles Franklin:

I don’t think that the polls have much to do with how legislators react to our proposals. I think the main thing with Evers is he is net popular. Plus 18 now. He was plus 20 in August, up from plus ten before the budget in the spring. But things like guns are a big range. So you get a big majority that the governor likes to cite for background checks and red flag laws, over 80% support. And over 70% of Republicans support those. But there are more controversial gun proposals, like mandatory buybacks of assault weapons. Only 13% of Republicans support, 70 something percent of Dems do, and net a majority oppose that. So the point is guns are not a single issue and they divide the parties in different ways on different aspects of the gun issue.

Frederica Freyberg:

All right. Charles Franklin, thanks a lot.

Charles Franklin:

Thank you.

Frederica Freyberg:

A Marquette Law poll in August found 80% approval for universal backgrounds checks and red flag laws in Wisconsin. Bearing that in mind, Governor Tony Evers this week called a special session for November 7 to take up both gun control measures. But Republican legislative leaders immediately threw cold water on the idea. For more on this special session tug-of-war between the governor and the legislature, we go to the State Capitol. That’s where Wisconsin Public Radio’s Capitol Reporter Laurel White joins us. Thanks for being here.

Laurel White:

Absolutely. Thanks for having me.

Frederica Freyberg:

In fairness, Speakers Vos and Senate Majority Fitzgerald — Leader Fitzgerald — did more than just throw cold water on this session.

Laurel White:

That’s right. So Governor Evers has been talking about these two specific proposals that he wants seen debated during the special session for several weeks now. Because of that, Republican leaders say they’re confident they know they don’t have the votes in either chamber to pass either of those bills. Specifically, Senate Majority Leader Scott Fitzgerald said his members haven’t been able to come up with any alternative plans that they would rather vote on. So he says they’re going to convene the special session and then immediately end it without having any debate or holding any votes.

Frederica Freyberg:

So gaveling in and gaveling out? And that is allowed, I trust?

Laurel White:

It is. So when the governor calls a special session of the legislature, he can’t compel them to vote on anything in particular or take any votes at all. The only thing he can compel them to do is begin and end that special session.

Frederica Freyberg:

Now, Republicans say that these measures are tantamount to confiscating guns. One of the measures would allow someone’s gun to be removed. Briefly describe what these measures would do.

Laurel White:

Under the red flag proposal, a judge could temporarily revoke someone’s gun rights if they are flagged by someone who knows them, a friend or a family member, as potentially dangerous to themselves or others. Under another proposal, the background check proposal, background checks for gun sales in Wisconsin would be expanded to private sales. Those sales currently aren’t subject to background checks. And private sales at gun shows as well.

Frederica Freyberg:

Evers said this, “At the end of the day, how many times can you go against 80% of the people of the state of Wisconsin in developing policy and essentially tell them to go to hell and at the same time expect to be re-elected. It doesn’t make sense to me.” Now this may not make sense to the governor but Scott Fitzgerald in particular would seem at this moment cannot consider gun control politically.

Laurel White:

That’s right. So the senate majority leader says that he’s very confident that he knows what his constituents want him to do regarding gun control. He says he has pretty profound concerns about Second Amendment rights and Due Process rights, about these two proposals, and he says there just isn’t the support there in a Republican-controlled legislature.

Frederica Freyberg:

And he has thrown his hat in the ring for the Fifth Congressional race?

Laurel White:

That’s right. He is the first Republican and only Republican as of right now to announce for that race.

Frederica Freyberg:

All right. Laurel White, thanks very much. And we’ll be talking with you soon.

Laurel White:

Absolutely. Thanks for having me.

Frederica Freyberg:

Special sessions have historically played a unique role in the legislature. Marisa Wojcik brings us these fast facts on special sessions.

Marisa Wojcik:

This week, Governor Tony Evers called on the legislature to hold a special session to address two bills on gun control. Typically, the calendar and agenda of regular legislative sessions are set by the legislature itself. But what makes a special session so special? A special session is called by the governor. And it must address new issues not already being considered. The Wisconsin legislature has convened 97 of these special sessions since 1848 when the state was founded. The very first special session was in 1861, and the main purpose was to address civil war powers. The second was in 1862, and it covered militia organization, soldiers’ right to vote, Indian uprising and payment to military office employees. Some topics come up multiple times over the course of various years of special sessions, like collective bargaining agreements, unemployment compensation or confirmation of appointments. Other topics are a little more unique, such as war economy, indemnities for cattle with tuberculosis, urban problems, studded tires and corporate hostile takeovers. In the state’s early history, the legislature didn’t convene as often as it does now and special sessions began as a way for the governor to get lawmakers to come back to the capitol to address emergencies. Today, special sessions happen more frequently, with the majority of them having been called in the last several decades. This has less to do with the urgency of the matters being addressed. According to the Legislative Reference Bureau, because governors can select the time and set the agenda of the call, a special session allows them to highlight policy problems and propose solutions. The legislature must respond. And in this way, the special session power gives the governor an enhanced role in setting the legislative agenda. For these and other fast facts, visit wpt.org.

Frederica Freyberg:

Now to the economy and new leadership at the Wisconsin Economic Development Corporation. Missy Hughes is the new CEO, formally general counsel for Organic Valley, a national farm co-op farm organization. She takes the reins from Mark Hogan who was appointed by former Governor Scott Walker in 2015 and stepped down in September. Hogan oversaw the corporate board’s approval of the $3 billion Foxconn contract with the state. We talk now about the future of that project as well as other agency priorities with new WEDC Head Missy Hughes. Thanks very much for being here.

Missy Hughes:

Thank you.

Frederica Freyberg:

Tell me how your background informed how you will work as CEO at WEDC?

Missy Hughes:

I came from a co-operative of 2,000 family farmers. That’s what Organic Valley is. And my background there is really bringing all of these diverse stakeholders together. They’re the owners of the business and bringing them together to understand where are we going, how are we going to market and what are we trying to do to succeed. So I think that that effort of collaboration is going to serve me really well as I work at WEDC and work with all the different stakeholders that are involved in economic development in Wisconsin.

Frederica Freyberg:

Now, you have toured the state even in your short tenure as CEO. What did you find and what will be your priorities?

Missy Hughes:

I found that there’s a lot going on all around the state as far as economic development goes. And what I was really impressed with is the public/private partnership that I saw throughout the state in places like Green Bay or Eau Claire. Mostly they were businesses at the table that were taking advantage of being in a strong community and working with the community to move things forward.

Frederica Freyberg:

What is the situation with Foxconn right now?

Missy Hughes:

So Foxconn is under a whole gambit of construction and there’s a ton happening there. We just briefed the board, WEDC board on the construction that’s happening there. Where I’m learning about it, I’m meeting with the leadership soon. There’s been a whole transition of different folks. There’s a different administration, a different me and a different fellow in charge of America’s projects for Foxconn. So I’m going to be meeting with him and really learning more about how do we make this project succeed, both for Foxconn and for the state.

Frederica Freyberg:

How important, in terms of Foxconn, is accountability?

Missy Hughes:

How important is accountability? I think it’s important across the board for Foxconn or for any of the projects that WEDC is involved in. And so Mark Hogan has put in a great foundation of accountability and transparency and I look forward to really building on that. But also really thinking about what are the other projects that WEDC can be involved in, whether it’s community building or small minority businesses, how are we helping them. I think there’s a whole gambit beyond Foxconn. And I really hope that as I enter into my tenure as CEO of WEDC, we’re talking a lot more about those projects and a lot less than Foxconn.

Frederica Freyberg:

We read that manufacturing has slipped in Wisconsin. What is your plan to make sure that the state’s largest employment sector thrives going forward?

Missy Hughes:

I think that there’s a new day for manufacturing in Wisconsin. And as part of my tour, I visited a number of manufacturing facilities. And I saw amazing robotics. I saw amazing new technology that’s being implemented. And just simple ideas. Printpack in Rhinelander has a great new idea that is really going to move things forward just for simple things like printing films that go around candy bars. I think there’s all sorts of new things that are going to be happening and the future of Wisconsin is manufacturing and the future of Wisconsin’s workforce is working in that manufacturing.

Frederica Freyberg:

What do you think about the Manufacturing and Ag Tax Credit as a job creation tool?

Missy Hughes:

I think that that offers the ability for manufacturing and ag businesses to locate in Wisconsin with very little tax impact. And so then they’re able to spend their money on the workforce and on developing jobs. So it’s a regenerative effort. I think we need to understand is that why companies are staying in Wisconsin and why they’re coming to Wisconsin and understanding the impact of it, as we need to be doing with all our tax credits.

Frederica Freyberg:

What are other kinds of job creation tools that you would like to make use of?

Missy Hughes:

I think one of the really most important things in job creation is having the foundation for folks to want to come and stay in Wisconsin. So strong communities, a strong quality of life, housing, broadband. There’s a gambit of all different tools in the toolbox in order to create jobs. It’s not just tax credits. It’s not just the state giving away incentives. But it’s working with all my partners in the agencies. I just came from my first cabinet meeting and meeting all of the different folks that I’m going to be working with is really exciting.

Frederica Freyberg:

One thing that I know that the previous CEO was embarked upon at WEDC was this kind of ad blitz to try to attract employees to Wisconsin. How is that going? Are we doing well on that?

Missy Hughes:

Well, I think we have a great campaign. And what I always say, coming from a marketing co-operative, you have to have a great product and then you can market that great product. So making sure we have a really high quality product whether it’s again, strong communities and strong businesses, places that kids want to go and work at, that parents want their kids to go work at and then we’ll market that product and we’ll be able to retain talent and bring folks in.

Frederica Freyberg:

All right. Missy Hughes, thanks so much.

Missy Hughes:

Thank you so much.

Frederica Freyberg:

Now to more economy-related news and a trade visit to Wisconsin by Vice-President Mike Pence. The vice-president appeared at Uline, a distributor of packaging materials in Pleasant Prairie. He used the occasion to encourage support for the U.S./Mexico/Canada Trade Agreement. The plan awaits Congressional approval. Meanwhile, the U.S. trade war with China is hitting Wisconsin ginseng producers in a big way. In tonight’s inside look, how China’s retaliatory tariffs and value-added taxes on Wisconsin ginseng have rocketed to a 41% added fee, making the coveted product more expensive for buyers, many of whom say the farmers should absorb the increased cost. So where does this leave Wisconsin ginseng growers who export 85% of their $30 million crop to China and Hong Kong. We check in with Will Hsu whose family operates a 1,000-acre ginseng farm north of Wausau. Thanks for being here.

Will Hsu:

Thanks for inviting me.

Frederica Freyberg:

So what has been the effect of the U.S. trade war with China on your ginseng farm?

Will Hsu:

Well, I think for the overall industry, what it’s meant is the processors and purchasers in China have really asked those of us here in central Wisconsin to absorb the brunt of the tariff, meaning the prices that farmers are receiving here are about 30% to 40% lower than they were the last couple years.

Frederica Freyberg:

So what kind of losses does that represent?

Will Hsu:

For our industry, a 30% to 40% price decrease probably means that the local economy here is losing somewhere between $10 and $15 million that’s infused directly to the farmers. And those farmers buy a lot of their equipment locally. We buy vehicles, trucks, tractors and we employ a lot of people here in central Wisconsin. And so it does mean that we’ve had to find ways to maybe trim costs and not use as much labor or not hire as many people.

Frederica Freyberg:

What do you think of the U.S. trade policies that brought you to this place?

Will Hsu:

I think most of the farmers here in central Wisconsin, regardless if you’re talking about ginseng farmers or other producers, understand the need to have fair trade, and they may support the Republican administration in terms of what they’re trying to do to level the playing field with China. I think the difficult part of that is how it is impacting us personally and financially. I think a lot of farmers feel that pinch. They feel the brunt of the trade war. And they’re having to take it in the pocketbook because of our broader national policy and trade strategy.

Frederica Freyberg:

Now, President Trump announced a trade deal with China earlier this month. How optimistic are you that that might bring some relief here?

Will Hsu:

Umm, I guess it’s hopeful optimism. We’ve heard it before. I don’t know if I can necessarily count on it and bank on it. I think, you know, you have a difference in regime. You have a Chinese premiere, who for lack of better word, doesn’t have to face re-election and you have a president that’s going to have to face re-election next year. So if you look at the short term versus the long term, I think we’re playing two different games.

Frederica Freyberg:

You are just harvesting now. How does this year’s crop look?

Will Hsu:

This year, because of the weather, which no one can control, the crop yield is not as good as it has been in previous years. So my guess is that the overall poundage may be down a little bit. I think you’re seeing more farmers save roots for an additional year, meaning saving three-year-old roots that you would normally harvest for four-year-olds and saving four-year-old roots that you would normally harvest for five-year-olds with the hope that a trade deal is done and that prices are better and recover next year.

Frederica Freyberg:

Have you sold your ginseng crop?

Will Hsu:

Most of the crop that we harvest ourselves is used internally within our own operation for our own customers. I would say that there are a few farmers that still have crop left over from last harvest, so 2018 harvest. And some of the new crop is just starting to come on the market. And we are seeing some softness and weakness in price as the trade war drags on and it continues to have a downward pressure on the overall market price for ginseng, especially for the new 2019 crop that’s just coming out of the dryers.

Frederica Freyberg:

I know that Foxconn signed an agreement with the Wisconsin Ginseng Board and yourself to promote Wisconsin ginseng in foreign markets and produce the company’s own brand of ginseng. What has been the outcome of that agreement?

Will Hsu:

So I think in some regards to the trade war, what we’re seeing with Foxconn is that they are doing that agreement in Taiwan. So they are purchasing product from us, either here in Wisconsin or from our operations in Taiwan, and marketing and selling that root in Taiwan. But because of the impact of the tariffs on imports into China, they aren’t really aggressively pursuing any options in China. And China is one of their biggest markets and one of our biggest markets. So it is a missed opportunity with that trade agreement with Foxconn primarily because of the trade war. But it’s a side effect of what’s going on nationally.

Frederica Freyberg:

Did Foxconn end up investing in high-end inspection technology and production capabilities at your farm to produce its ginseng?

Will Hsu:

No. They have not. To date, they have not. And I think part of it is just because the volume that they need to satisfy the Taiwan market is very small versus how big they expected the Chinese market to be in mainland China.

Frederica Freyberg:

Just very briefly, should the trade deal with China be realized, can your markets and losses be recovered?

Will Hsu:

I think some of the market losses will be recovered immediately, but the long-term effect is pretty damaging. It took us 20 years to develop the China market. They are still our primary consumer. They will still come back. But what it has allowed is the producers of American ginseng in China and in Canada to really step in with what isn’t necessarily lower cost, but it’s lower cost to the consumer. Meaning because of the additional 40% tariff that are on ginseng, it gives them additional margin to operate and really make them successful in the short term because they do not have to price compete with us given that we have a 40% tariff on our product.

Frederica Freyberg:

Right. We need to leave it there. Will Hsu, thanks very much and good luck.

Will Hsu:

Thank you.

Frederica Freyberg:

Now for a look at other state news, including the retirement of UW System President Ray Cross. Cross has led the UW System since 2014. Before that, he was chancellor at UW Colleges. He’ll continue to serve until a search committee determines his replacement. Also this week, the Wisconsin Supreme Court heard arguments in a lawsuit challenging lame duck laws. The case was filed by a coalition of unions this past February, including the Service Employees International. The unions contend that the state’s lame duck laws are shifting powers from the executive branch to the legislative branch and therefore are unconstitutional. Much of the hearing focused on the reduced power of Attorney General Josh Kaul, who under the new law must confer with lawmakers before leaving federal lawsuits or settling cases for the state. The Supreme Court has yet to rule on this case. And that is our program for tonight. I’m Frederica Freyberg. Have a great weekend.

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Funding for “Here & Now” is provided, in part, by Friends of Wisconsin Public Television.