Here & Now

Here & Now for February 12, 2021

Announcer:

The following program is a PBS Wisconsin original production.

Jackie Ross:

They say, “Don’t call.” But I call anyway and they say, “Well, you know, either we don’t have — we ran out of the vaccine or we don’t have it or we don’t know when we’re going to get it.” They say that.

Frederica Freyberg:

People long since eligible in search of a vaccination. Despite a week when Wisconsin soars to the top in per capita shots in the nation. As a legal challenge to Governor Evers’ latest mask mandate takes shape.

I’m Frederica Freyberg. Tonight on “Here & Now,” an 84-year-old woman’s struggle to find a vaccination. Act 10 turns ten years old. The first of our segments on the lasting impact of former Governor Scott Walker’s Budget Repair Bill, the 2011 law that effectively ended collective bargaining in Wisconsin. And we’ll examine the politics of the ongoing U.S. Senate impeachment trial of Donald Trump. It’s “Here & Now” for February 12.

Announcer:

Funding for “Here & Now” is provided by the Focus Fund for Journalism and Friends of PBS Wisconsin.

Frederica Freyberg:

Wisconsin has administered more than 900,000 doses of the COVID-19 vaccine. But even as the state has become a national leader, there are some people who feel they are getting left behind. “Here & Now” Senior Political Reporter Zac Schultz has one woman’s story.

Jackie Ross:

I’m on the list, but I never get called.

Zac Schultz:

Jackie Ross has been on the phone to nearly every health care provider in southern Wisconsin looking to see when she can get the COVID-19 vaccine.

Jackie Ross:

And I have been calling all over. It doesn’t do any good, but I do it.

Zac Schultz:

Jackie is 84 years old and has cancer. She also takes care of her partner who is 86 years old and disabled.

Jackie Ross:

I’m really desperate to get a vaccination because I know that my form of cancer is particularly vulnerable with this.

Zac Schultz:

She gets her primary care from a small, independent clinic in Madison and this is what she hears when she calls for information.

Voice on recording:

COVID vaccine update: We have a very limited supply of COVID-19 vaccines. We are currently calling patients to schedule over the age of 80 who meet the criteria or until we no longer have a supply. We understand that our patients are eager for the vaccine, but we ask that you not call the clinic for vaccine updates. We are unable to place patients on a wait list or provide a further update as of yet.

Jackie Ross:

I think that the clinic is not getting adequate supplies.

Zac Schultz:

Jackie says she has friends all over the state that are younger than her that have received their first dose.

Jackie Ross:

I’m beyond frustrated. I’m really upset.

Zac Schultz:

While Jackie feels left behind, she’s not alone.

Tess Ellens:

We recognize that there are a lot of folks that kind of fit a similar description.

Zac Schultz:

Tess Ellens is the COVID vaccine deputy for Public Health Madison Dane County.

Tess Ellens:

We’re definitely hearing the frustration of people that are waiting.

Zac Schultz:

She says the state has been receiving around 70,000 doses each week.

Tess Ellens:

Last week, the request to the state for the state of Wisconsin, the ask was 290,000 doses of vaccine. So those numbers are clearly not adding up.

Zac Schultz:

Unfortunately for Jackie, the fact her independent clinic is so small may hurt them.

Julie Willems Van Dijk:

Because of our distribution system, it is challenging for us to make deliveries of only 30, 40, 50 vaccines. So we’ve set a floor of at least 50 vaccines. I know some have asked for that and still not received them just because, again, of that — that challenging vaccination supply issue.

Tess Ellens:

We also recognize that some people that are with independent clinics might not be getting vaccine as quickly as larger health care systems.

Zac Schultz:

Public Health Madison Dane County does offer vaccinations but they’re prioritizing underserved groups.

Tess Ellens:

We’re really trying to work with folks that truly do not have a primary care provider, those who don’t have health insurance, things like that.

Zac Schultz:

Jackie gets her cancer treatment through UW Health, so she asked them.

Jackie Ross:

And just because my cancer doctor is at the UW, I can’t get it there.

Zac Schultz:

UW Health is vaccinating 5,000 people a week and working down to patients in their 60s. In a statement they explained we have received clear guidance that health systems are expected to vaccinate their patients as part of the overall effort and that has been interpreted locally as meaning those patients who receive their primary care within your system.

Jackie Ross:

I don’t know how someone our age, 84 and 86, are supposed to be scrounging around looking for a vaccine.

Zac Schultz:

In the end, Jackie will likely just have to keep waiting.

Tess Ellens:

The best thing to do is if you are connected with a health care provider, then unfortunately, you might just have to wait a little bit.

Zac Schultz:

Reporting from Madison, I’m Zac Schultz for “Here & Now.”

Frederica Freyberg:

For people like Jackie Ross having trouble trying to get a vaccine, nearly 200 Walgreens in Wisconsin are receiving more than 17,000 doses of the vaccine through the Federal Retail Pharmacy Program and people have been able to sign up for appointments on their website. Also, Rock County will host the state’s first community vaccine clinic next Tuesday, with more such clinics being planned.

Now turning to political news, did what happened ten years ago in Wisconsin usher in an era of extreme partisan divide here and across the nation? Former Republican Governor Scott Walker introduced his budget repair bill, Act 10, in 2011. The act cut $800 million in funding from K-12 schools and backfilled that by requiring public employees to pay into their retirement and health care benefits. It also hobbled public employee unions and their coffers. What Walker called a modest change resulted in a history-making storm of protests at the state Capitol. We revisit that now with this report we produced in 2011.

Man # 1:

Tell me what democracy looks like!

Crowd:

This is what democracy looks like!

Man # 1:

Tell me what democracy looks like!

Crowd:

This is what democracy looks like!

[drumming]

Man # 2:

Scott Walker is a good governor. He’s doing nothing more than he said he would do.

Scott Walker:

This is making changes in terms of the collective bargaining process.

Man # 3:

And it essentially killed unions for all teachers around the state.

Man # 4:

I understand that they do teach our kids but there’s a cost to everything and Wisconsin is broke.

Scott Walker:

I don’t think it should be a shock to anybody.

Crowd:

Scott Walker has got to go!

Scott Walker:

I believe the people of the state elected me and the members of the Legislature to be bold and aggressive.

Crowd:

Kill the bill!

Scott Walker:

This is making changes in terms of the collective bargaining process so that we can accurately and effectively get the sort of modest changes we’re talking about when it comes to health care and pension contributions.

Man # 5:

It’s one thing to do fiscal business. It’s another thing to do political business and take people’s rights away.

Woman # 1:

Wisconsin is broke and that’s why I made the trip down here from Wausau today. I’m — I’m — I’m concerned. I have two little boys. I’m concerned about their futures.

Scott Walker:

These modest changes are reasonable.

Rick Badger:

This is not a modest proposal. This is a radical proposal. This is something that puts — it upends years and decades of labor relations.

Crowd:

Shut it down! Shut it down!

Robert Jauch:

This bill is about an assault on workers’ rights and it doesn’t need to happen.

Mike Huebsch:

Senator, we have nothing to give. The state is broke.

Scott Walker:

The bottom line is the taxpayers of the state need to be heard as well.

Crowd:

Shut it down! Shut it down!

Tim Cullen:

It becomes obviously just sort of a waiting game. It’s a way to protest the process. I tremendously disagree with the process. I disagree with the bill.

Scott Fitzgerald:

We find ourselves in a situation where now we’re on final passage, and we’re waiting. I mean, we’re waiting for one Democratic senator to show up for work so we can finish the process.

Lena Taylor:

We can balance the budget on the concessions that the unions have already done. This is strictly union busting. That’s all it is.

Scott Fitzgerald:

No, you can’t. No, you can’t.

Lena Taylor:

This is strictly trying to deny workers their rights.

Scott Fitzgerald:

You know and I know it. You can’t balance this budget on the concessions that the unions are willing to make right now. There’s not a chance. If you don’t make changes to collective bargaining and allow the flexibility for school boards, county boards, mayors throughout the state, they’re never going to be able to survive the cuts that are coming in the governor’s budget next week.

Teacher:

Working on your Civil War package. That’s exactly what we want you to do.

Scott Walker:

We need a commitment to the future so our children don’t face even more dire consequences than what we face today.

Tony Evers:

The kids in this state, the students in the state didn’t create this mess and unfortunately looks to me like the budget is being balanced on their backs.

Teacher:

You’re taking your quiz, please, quietly.

Mike Huebsch:

We can manage these cuts. We can figure out a way to get through this by asking a little bit more from our employees for benefits they receive in their healthcare and pension and we can manage those cuts.

Alan Bergstrom:

We’re just trying to make everyone pay their fair share.

Lisa Flax:

This is not about money. This is about protection. It’s about safety. It’s about working conditions.

Mary Bell:

What is most important and what these people are vitally concerned about is that their right to a voice in the workplace that has been established here for 60 years doesn’t disappear in five days.

Scott Fitzgerald:

Clerk, call the roll.

Peter Barca:

No. Excuse me! No!

Scott Fitzgerald:

Call the roll. Call the roll.

Peter Barca:

Listen, it says here if there’s any doubt as to whether good cause exists, the governmental body should provide 24 hours notice.

Mike Ellis:

There are 18 ayes, one no. The conference report is adopted.

Crowd:

Shame, shame, shame!

Jeff Fitzgerald:

We feel it’s the right thing to do to get this state on the right track. We feel it.

Peter Barca:

You are voting with a giant storm cloud above your head.

[chanting]

Peter Barca:

Charade is up.

Man # 6:

Those in favor will vote aye. All opposed will vote no. The clerk will open the roll.

Crowd:

Shame! Shame! Shame!

Scott Walker:

We were elected to make tough decisions last November to ensure that we didn’t pass these tough decisions onto our children and the next generation and that’s exactly what we’ve done here today.

[music, crowd noise]

Man # 7:

We’re just asking to be treated fair. That’s all.

Man # 8:

Union!

Crowd:

Power!

Man # 8:

Union!

Crowd:

Power!

Man # 8:

We won’t!

Crowd:

Back down!

Man # 8:

We won’t!

Crowd:

Back down!

Man # 8:

Don’t legislate!

Crowd:

Negotiate!

Man # 8:

Don’t legislate!

Crowd:

Negotiate!

Crowd:

Save our state! Save our state!

Frederica Freyberg:

One book author said Governor Walker traded on the politics of resentment in his sweeping changes to the status quo in Wisconsin. Another author and journalist reporting at the time as a Capitol correspondent for the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel wrote the book on Act 10 titled “More Than They Bargained For.” Jason Stein is now research director at the non-partisan Wisconsin Policy Forum. He joins us now to detail the policy and political implications of Act 10, now a decade later. Hi, Jason. Thank you for doing this.

Jason Stein:

Thank you for having me.

Frederica Freyberg:

We were just talking off air a little bit about our reactions as journalists when this happened, and I want to just start this by asking you that. As you sat in the press room there, in the Capitol, and you watched this unfold, what were you thinking?

Jason Stein:

Well, you just had this overwhelming sense of being a witness to history right in front of you, events that were, you know, not merely drawing national attention, but international attention. And so in that sense at least it’s much like the events that we’ve seen in the past year, where you’re just aware in real time that history is unfolding in front of you.

Frederica Freyberg:

Yeah. Indeed. So as to the impacts of Act 10, the kind of Cliff Notes version of it is that taxes are down and school spending is down, but help us put a little more meat on that. Why and why? Why taxes down? Why is school spending down as a result?

Jason Stein:

You’re absolutely right that that’s the case when you compare Wisconsin to other states around the country. You know, I mean, one key area obviously is in the area of employee benefits. So, you know, prior to Act 10, Wisconsin ranked very highly in terms of spending on public employee benefits, for teachers, for instance. Act 10 required higher contributions for pension and health benefits for most state and local employees, and so that really shifted that equation and it resulted in, you know, Wisconsin going from leading the country or being a top ten state in things like employee benefit spending to being below the national average. Now, it is important to note that that isn’t just about people’s benefits because those higher contributions also led to lower take-home pay. So it’s lower cost for state and local governments, but also reduced compensation for their employees.

Frederica Freyberg:

So in 2021, where does that put Wisconsin K-12 schools?

Jason Stein:

It’s a good question. You know, we have seen, as you said, per-pupil spending fall from above the national average in Wisconsin to below it and that is — as that has happened, our taxes at the state and local level in Wisconsin have fallen from being in the top ten nationally to being 23rd to being really below the national average. And that has happened really despite the fact that you have seen billions of dollars in local school referenda pass in recent years. So you’ve seen taxes fall, you’ve seen school spending fall at least relation to other states and you have seen increasingly some voters at the local level being willing even on a sort of bipartisan basis in red and blue communities to increase their own property taxes to have additional spending for their school district.

Frederica Freyberg:

All right. So what did Act 10 do to unions?

Jason Stein:

Well, I mean, that’s one of the most pronounced impacts that you see. Even before Act 10, you had falling union membership as a share of the overall workforce and I think there’s every reason to think that that would have continued to happen even without Act 10. But it’s clearly the case that you saw that accelerate. Because really one of the few areas of strength for unions pre-Act 10 was public employees. And obviously there was a precipitous drop in membership level for public employees. And it’s worth noting that for everything that we’re talking about, there’s both what Act 10 did, which was really a very narrow piece of legislation. It was sweeping, but it was only up to a point. And a whole change in governance and philosophy that was ushered in by Republican majorities that came into power in 2011. And so even on the aspect of unions, we see right-to-work, which affected private sector unions. That didn’t happen as part of Act 10. But it happened in 2015. But Act 10 certainly opened the door to a lot of these changes that we’re talking about.

Frederica Freyberg:

Well, as to the politics of Act 10, do you feel as though Act 10 marked the end of bipartisanship in Wisconsin?

Jason Stein:

Well, it certainly was a very lengthy pause. I think it certainly prefigured the times we’re living in now where people see something fundamentally wrong with the other side. Not just incorrect, but wrong. And you saw both on the — the Democrats saw this attempt to really repeal most union power as going too far, being outrageous. And then when the Senate Democrats left the state Capitol to deny a quorum and a vote on Act 10 and went to Illinois, Republicans really saw that as an illegitimate act. And so you just had either side being sort of unwilling to recognize the other as a legitimate actor in good faith trying to do something positive for the state.

Frederica Freyberg:

Yes. Well, we leave it there. Jason Stein, thanks very much. Witness to history. Thanks a lot.

Public education and the state budget were in the news this week, with a party-line vote among members of the Joint Finance Committee. The committee backed a Republican measure that would connect the flow of some federal COVID dollars to the amount of in-person instruction a given school district conducts. The committee co-chair said it would be an incentive for districts currently doing all virtual classrooms to open up. Governor Evers revealed several items he’ll include in his budget address next Tuesday. Among them, a proposal that would legalize the sale of recreational and medical marijuana in Wisconsin. A call for $150 million for additional mental health care services and an expansion of the state health insurance program BadgerCare. A proposed $43 million for economic programs for state farmers and Governor Evers will request $140 million for state child care services. Governor Evers’ budget address will be broadcast live on PBS Wisconsin on the Wisconsin Channel Tuesday, February 16, at 7:00 p.m.

The impeachment trial of former President Donald Trump continues into the weekend. It’s likely he will be acquitted because not enough Republican Senators will vote to convict him for incitement of insurrection after the deadly January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol. Trump’s defense? He had a First Amendment right to speak out and you can’t impeach a former president. Arguments in favor of conviction? That Donald Trump’s repeated calls to fight to stop the steal unleashed his supercharged supporters. Our next guest is a former Republican of some sway with his long-running conservative talk radio program in Wisconsin. He went from a never-Trumper to voting for Joe Biden. He’s the founder and editor of the political analysis website The Bulwark. Charlie Sykes joins us now to give us his take on the impeachment trial and more. And thanks a lot for joining us.

Charlie Sykes:

Good to be with you.

Frederica Freyberg:

So why do you think Donald Trump should be convicted in this impeachment trial?

Charlie Sykes:

Well, if inciting an insurrection, an attack on a co-equal branch of government is not impeachable, if that does not cross a red line, then what would be impeachable? I think one of the things the House managers did very, very effectively this week was to put what happened in context, that the president of the United States is using the power of his office to mobilize a mob to attack Congress to prevent it from counting the electoral votes to overturn a free and fair election so he can hold on to power. This is why the founders actually created, I think, a provision for impeachment of the president.

Frederica Freyberg:

Yet Donald Trump did not join in the attack on the U.S. Capitol. How can he be blamed for it and how could Trump’s rhetoric alone persuade his supporters to storm the halls of Congress?

Charlie Sykes:

It’s not just January 6. Again, I thought the impeachment managers did a good job in pointing out the role of the big lie. And you have to ask yourself, if Donald Trump had not lied about the result of the election, would this have happened? Would five people have died? Would Officer Sicknick be alive right now? And I think that the answer to that is obvious, that Donald Trump fomented this. He laid the kindling wood for it. He poured the kerosene over it and then he tossed a match. This is not — you know, there’s a lot of what aboutism, but this is not the same as just another protest or burning down a 7-Eleven. This was an attempt to stop the Congress of the United States from performing a core constitutional function, which was to count the electoral votes. That’s what Donald Trump wanted. Donald Trump wanted to delay that process and the mob was doing it. So it is unprecedented in American history.

Frederica Freyberg:

In fact his defense says he was engaging in protected free speech and they tried to create this equivalency with Black Lives Matter protests. What’s your reaction to those defenses?

Charlie Sykes:

Well, I think it’s a bad faith argument because there is no equivalency between protesters, individual protesters who may commit acts of violence or of vandalism and a concerted attack on the Congress of the United States. The context matters here. This is part of the president of the United States effort to overturn this election. He tried in the courts and he failed. He tried to get legislators to override the popular vote. He failed. He tried to bully secretaries of state and governors into doing it. He failed over and over and over again until the only thing he had left was this mob. And unfortunately they came very close. This is the other point. They came very close to actually stopping the process of choosing a new president. And this would not have happened but for the words and the actions of Donald Trump.

Frederica Freyberg:

So if Trump is acquitted, which is expected, why won’t Republican Senators vote to convict?

Charlie Sykes:

Well, I think, you know, this has been the long-running pattern of Republicans who have refused to stand up against Donald Trump. If there was any moment when they were going to take a moment to say that we’re moving on from Trump, this would be it. I think the evidence was overwhelming. I think that his conduct was so egregious. They lose nothing. He’s not going to appoint any more judges. He’s not going to cut any more taxes. And I think this is one of those moments where members of the Senate and members of the House have to ask themselves what comes first? Do I put country over party? Do I take my oath of office seriously? Or should I be worried about mean tweets and a primary challenge? I think this is a very, very clear vote. But I also think this is another indication of the fact that the Republican Party just can’t quit Donald Trump. They’re not willing to do it.

Frederica Freyberg:

Well, you say that it is hard for you to watch the Trumpification of the Republican Party in Wisconsin. What is the former president’s hold on that party and its elected officials here?

Charlie Sykes:

I find it really extraordinary, because this was not something that you saw even under Ronald Reagan or George W. Bush. I think the only way you can describe it, and this is not original, is to say the Republican Party has become a cult of personality. That what had once been just simple partisan polarization, and it was very intense here in Wisconsin, has now become a kind of raw tribalization. But it is difficult in Wisconsin because as you remember Wisconsin was one of the bulwarks against Trump during the primaries. This was one of the few Republican primaries he lost. There was tremendous skepticism about Donald Trump. Yet you look across the party and looking at the elected officials and they have almost to a person become Trump loyalists.

Frederica Freyberg:

Charlie Sykes, thanks very much for joining us.

Charlie Sykes:

Thank you.

Frederica Freyberg:

A final note before we close. Tuesday, February 16 is the primary election day for state school superintendent. For complete profiles on all seven candidates running for the office, go to WisconsinVote.org.

And that is our program for tonight. I’m Frederica Freyberg. Have a good weekend.

Announcer:

Funding for “Here & Now” is provided by the Focus Fund for Journalism and Friends of PBS Wisconsin.